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- <text id=90TT0429>
- <title>
- Feb. 19, 1990: In The Diet, It's All In The Family
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
- Feb. 19, 1990 Starting Over
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- WORLD, Page 46
- JAPAN
- In the Diet, It's All in the Family
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>The prevalence of second-generation politicians raises fears
- that politics is being restricted to an elite kinship network
- </p>
- <p>By Kumiko Makihara/Tokyo
- </p>
- <p> Former Foreign Minister Zentaro Kosaka, 78, wasn't running
- for anything; yet there he stood at an election rally before
- 2,000 people wearing white headbands marked VICTORY. Thanking
- them for their longtime support, he said, "I have put all my
- might into working for this town, but there's still a lot left
- to do." Then he suggested who might do it: "Please let Kenji
- work with you to carry that out." The elder Kosaka was
- campaigning for his son in hopes of continuing a family
- tradition. Three generations of the Kosaka clan have controlled
- the mountainous Nagano district, north of Tokyo.
- </p>
- <p> As the old leaders of Japan's long-ruling Liberal Democratic
- Party begin to retire, more and more young sons are riding into
- office on their parents' coattails. About 40% of the 325 L.D.P.
- candidates running in the Feb. 18 Lower House elections are
- children of Diet members. These elections will determine
- whether the ruling party, now in jeopardy after losing its
- majority in the Upper House last July, can hold on to control
- of the government it has dominated for 35 years. But the
- prevalence of the nisei giin, or second-generation politicians,
- has raised fears that Japanese politics is increasingly being
- restricted to an elite kinship network.
- </p>
- <p> About one-third of the 512-member Lower House and 10% of the
- 252-member Upper House are sons, sons-in-law or legally adopted
- successors of Diet members. Even more politicians are linked
- by marital and familial ties. Six of the 20 Cabinet ministers,
- including Finance Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto and Foreign
- Minister Taro Nakayama, are sons of former Diet members. Former
- Prime Minister Noboru Takeshita and L.D.P. kingmaker Shin
- Kanemaru are related through the marriage of their children.
- Former Foreign Minister Shintaro Abe, a son of a
- parliamentarian, is married to the daughter of former Prime
- Minister Nobusuke Kishi. In the upcoming elections, the sons
- of former Prime Ministers Takeo Fukuda and Zenko Suzuki hope
- to succeed their fathers in the Diet.
- </p>
- <p> Following in the footsteps of one's father is a strong
- tradition in Japan, evident in fields as different as Big
- Business, the Kabuki theater and sumo wrestling. But in
- politics the custom has been intensified by the commitments of
- money and time involved in cultivating constituents.
- </p>
- <p> Under Japan's constituency system, members of the same party
- often run against each other in the same district. Unable to
- campaign on different platforms, the candidates stump on their
- ability to bring special benefits like new roads and factories
- to their towns. Nisei have a distinct advantage because they
- inherit the so-called three bans: jiban (constituency), kanban
- (name or recognition) and kaban (suitcase or campaign chest);
- they don't have to spend their early careers building these up.
- </p>
- <p> Defenders of hereditary politics say this has helped
- cultivate "many nisei in their 40s who are educated like a
- prince and have expertise in policymaking." Michitoshi
- Takabatake, a political science professor at Tokyo's Rikkyo
- University, points to former Defense Minister Koichi Kato, a
- Harvard-educated nisei and an authority on foreign and
- agricultural policy. On Japan's northern island of Hokkaido,
- the deceased former Agriculture Minister Ichiro Nakagawa was
- nicknamed "the brown bear" for his rough manners, while his
- nisei son Shoichi, who is running for a third term in the Lower
- House, is a graduate of the University of Tokyo who worked at
- the Industrial Bank of Japan.
- </p>
- <p> But critics charge that such easy access allows inept
- offspring into the Diet. Minoru Morita, a political
- commentator, says, "A self-made politician will have a basic
- amount of experience and common sense that nisei don't have."
- Admits Zentaro Kosaka: "From my own experience, nisei lack
- perseverance and doggedness."
- </p>
- <p> Still, the perception that nisei have an unfair advantage
- discourages others from entering politics. Masatoshi
- Wakabayashi, who is running for a third term against Kosaka's
- son, recalls how he hesitated to enter politics because he had
- no family ties. His mentor told him to run for that very
- reason. Wakabayashi warns, "If nisei fill more than half of the
- seats, then the public will assume that only special people can
- enter politics, and the government will lose vitality."
- </p>
- <p> So far, Japanese voters show little dissatisfaction with
- clan politics. An apple farmer who has supported Zentaro Kosaka
- for 40 years has already decided to cast a vote for his son.
- Says she: "It's advantageous because he can put to good use
- what his father built up."
- </p>
- <p> It is that kind of blind faith in the status quo that has
- kept the L.D.P. in power for so long. Yukio Hatoyama, a
- fourth-generation parliamentarian, explains, "Passing a seat
- on to one's son arises from the values of giri-ninjo
- [obligation and compassion] that shape politics. That's not
- likely to change easily."
- </p>
- <p> Or so the L.D.P. hopes. Around the country, the ruling-party
- candidates are warning voters not to disrupt the established
- political order. Said Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu: "I want you
- to think carefully about whether to choose the L.D.P. or the
- hastily assembled opposition coalition." But unless Japan's
- voters begin to realize that what was good in the past may not
- be good for the future, politics is likely to become
- increasingly a family affair.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-